literature review child poverty

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Children are naturally curious—they want to know "how" and "why. In this minilesson, students organize the information they have compiled through the research process by using sentence strips. Students first walk through the process using information on Beluga whales as a model. Students match facts written on sentence strips to one of four categories: appearance, behavior, habitat, and food. Sentence strips are color-coded to match each category. The sequence of notes sentence strips under each category are case studies page in an indented outline form, and regrouped so that similar facts are placed together.

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Literature review child poverty

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Because this research literature is vast, the committee focused its review on the most methodologically sound and prominent studies in key fields, primarily in developmental psychology, medicine, sociology, and economics. All else equal, we also selected more recent studies. We find overwhelming evidence from this literature that, on average, a child growing up in a family whose income is below the poverty line experiences worse outcomes than a child from a wealthier family in virtually every dimension, from physical and mental health, to educational attainment and labor market success, to risky behaviors and delinquency.

This finding needs to be qualified in two important ways. First, although average differences in the attainments and health of poor and nonpoor children are stark, a proportion of poor children do beat the odds and live very healthy and productive lives Abelev, ; Ratcliffe and Kalish, Second, and vital to the committee's charge, is the issue of correlation versus causation.

Income-based childhood poverty is associated with a cluster of other disadvantages that may be harmful to children, including low levels of parental education and living with a single parent Currie et al. Are the differences between the life chances of poor and nonpoor children a product of differences in childhood economic resources per se , or do they stem from these other, correlated conditions? Evidence both on the causal as distinct from correlational impact of childhood poverty and on which pathways lead to better outcomes is most useful in determining whether child well-being would be best promoted by policies that specifically reduce childhood poverty.

If it turns out that associations between poverty and negative child outcomes are caused by factors other than income, then the root causes of negative child outcomes must be addressed by policies other than the kinds of income-focused anti-poverty proposals presented in this report. That said, most of the scholarly work on poverty and the impacts of anti-poverty programs and policies on child well-being is correlational rather than causal. There is much to be learned from these studies, nevertheless, and it is often the case that evidence derived from experimental designs and that derived from correlational designs lead to similar conclusions.

To maintain clarity in our reviews of these two strands in the literature, we have opted to focus this chapter's main text on the results found in the causal literature, while we review the correlational literature in the Chapter 3 portion of Appendix D. We begin with a brief summary of the mechanisms by which childhood poverty may cause worse childhood outcomes, along with lessons from the vast correlational literature, which is reviewed in depth in this chapter's appendix.

We then turn to a review of the causal impacts of policies—income policies as well as anti-poverty policies—on child well-being, derived from both experimental and quasi-experimental natural experiment studies. The chapter concludes with a brief review of some of the limited literature on the macroeconomic costs of poverty to society.

Note that virtually all of the available evidence focuses on child poverty as measured by the Official Poverty Measure OPM rather than the Supplemental Poverty Measure SPM that is used in other chapters of this report. Given the considerable overlap in terms of who is considered poor by both measures, we would expect that the bulk of the lessons from OPM-based studies would carry over to the SPM. Economists, sociologists, developmental psychologists, and neuroscientists each emphasize different ways poverty may influence children's development.

Two main mechanisms have been theorized to describe these processes see Figure One emphasizes what money can buy—in other words, how poverty undermines parents' ability to procure the goods and services that enhance children's development. An alternative mechanism emphasizes the detrimental impact on families of exposure to environmental stressors as a key pathway by which poverty compromises children's development. Hypothesized pathways by which child poverty affects child outcomes.

As detailed in Chapter 8 and in the appendix to this chapter, low-income parents face steep challenges in meeting basic financial needs. Many poor families are not only cash-constrained but they also have little to no savings and lack access to low-cost sources of credit Halpern-Meekin et al. When faced with income shortfalls, they are often forced to cut back on expenditures, even for essential goods such as food and housing, and to pay high interest rates on loans McKernan, Ratcliffe, and Quakenbush, As a result, poverty is linked to material hardship, including inadequate shelter and medical care, food insecurity, and a lack of other essentials Ouellette et al.

As examples, higher incomes may enable parents to invest in cognitively stimulating items in the home e. Children may also benefit from better housing or a move to a better neighborhood. Studies of some poverty alleviation programs find that these programs can reduce material hardship and improve children's learning environments Huston et al.

Psychological distress can spill over into marriages and parenting. As couples struggle to make ends meet, their interactions may become more conflicted Brody et al. Parents' psychological distress and conflict have in fact been linked with harsh, inconsistent, and detached parenting.

Such lower-quality parenting may harm children's cognitive and socioemotional development Conger et al. All of this suggests that higher income may improve child well-being by reducing family stress. Investing in children and relieving parental stress are two different mechanisms, but they overlap and reinforce each other. For example, both increased economic resources and improved parental mental health and family routines may result in higher-quality child care, more cognitively enriching in-home and out-of-home activities, and more visits for preventive medical or dental care.

Better child development, in turn, can encourage more investment and better parenting; for example, more talkative children may trigger more verbal interaction and book reading from their parents, especially if parents can afford to spend the necessary time. We have focused on parental stress, because reducing poverty may ameliorate this stress and improve parenting, including emotional support for and interactions with children.

In addition, a major portion of existing research has focused on this pathway. We recognize that child stress is an important factor leading to negative child outcomes, including effects on early brain development Blair and Raver, , Shonkoff et al. We have not included it in the model refer to Figure because it is a more indirect mediator of the effects of other factors of poverty on child outcomes.

These other factors include parenting stress, other adverse child experiences, and the negative impacts of underresourced schools and environments in poor neighborhoods. For a more extensive review of both parental and child stress, please see the appendix to this chapter Appendix D, The foregoing brief discussion is intended only to provide a framework in which the correlational and causal studies of the impacts of poverty can be understood.

We provide a more complete review of the literature about some of these pathways in Chapter 8 and in the appendix to this chapter. Many studies document that, on average, children growing up in poor families fare worse than children in more affluent families. Their study uses data from a national sample of U. What they find is that compared with children whose families had incomes above twice the poverty line during their early childhood, children with family incomes below the poverty line during this period completed 2 fewer years of schooling and, as adults, worked fewer hours per year, earned less than one-half as much, received more in food stamps, and were more than twice as likely to report poor overall health or high levels of psychological distress some of these differences are shown in Figure Men who grew up in poverty, they find, were twice as likely as adults to have been arrested, and among women early childhood poverty was associated with a six-fold increase in the likelihood of bearing a child out of wedlock prior to age Reinforcing the need to treat correlations cautiously, Duncan, Ziol-Guest, and Kalil also find that some, but not all, of these differences between poor and nonpoor children disappeared when they adjusted statistically for differences in factors such as parental education that were associated with low childhood incomes.

Adult outcomes for children with lower and higher levels of early childhood income. Neuroscientists have produced striking evidence of the effect of early-life economic circumstances on brain development. Drawing from Hanson et al. Gray matter is particularly important for children's information processing and ability to regulate their behavior.

The figure shows no notable differences in gray matter during the first 9 or so months of life, but differences favoring children raised in high-income families emerge soon after that. Notably, the study found no differences in the total brain sizes across these groups—only in the amount of gray matter.

However, the existence of these emerging differences does not prove that poverty causes them. This study adjusted for age and birth weight, but not for other indicators of family socioeconomic status that might have been the actual cause of these observed differences in gray matter for children with different family incomes. Total gray matter volume in early life, by socioeconomic group.

Two themes from these two studies characterize much of the child poverty literature: 1 consistent correlations between a child's poverty status and later outcomes and 2 particularly strong associations when poverty status is measured early in childhood. Our review of this correlational literature, which is provided in this chapter's appendix, is organized into the following sections: family functioning, child maltreatment, domestic violence, and adverse childhood experiences; material hardship; physical health; fetal health and health at birth; brain development; mental health; educational attainment; and risky behaviors, crime, and delinquency.

Each section discusses the observed relationships between poverty and the outcomes in question. Collectively, they paint a consistent picture, which may be summarized in the following conclusion. As for the timing and severity of poverty, the literature documents that poverty in early childhood, prolonged poverty, and deep poverty are all associated with worse child and adult outcomes.

Policies designed to reduce poverty will promote positive child outcomes to the extent that poverty reduction causes these child outcomes to improve. This section discusses the causal evidence linking poverty and child outcomes. It includes studies that the committee judged to have the strongest research designs, whether purposely experimental or based on natural experiments that can support the estimation of causal linkages.

In experimental approaches to understanding the impacts of poverty reduction, the policy researcher attempts to vary income while holding constant other potentially causative factors. Randomly assigning subjects to large treatment and control groups helps to ensure that the distribution of these other causative factors e. Comparing the subsequent well-being of children in the two groups would provide strong evidence about the causal impact of poverty reduction on child well-being.

Much of the literature using these kinds of nonexperimental designs relies on policy changes or some other unanticipated event that causes family income to change more for one group of children than for another similar group. Our literature review on the causal impacts of poverty reduction on child well-being draws from both experimental methods that use random assignment and natural experiments. Family economic resources can be changed in a variety of ways, so researchers have cast a wide net to find circumstances in which families' incomes vary in ways that are beyond their control, which provide an opportunity to relate income changes to changes in child well-being.

Examples in which family cash incomes were increased or decreased by policy changes comprise the first part of our review of causal studies. Notably absent from this section are impacts on children of family income changes resulting from legislated changes in the minimum wage; we found no such studies in our review of the literature.

We also do not report on conditional cash transfer programs CCTs , which condition income on behaviors such as well-baby visits and school attendance. CCTs are prevalent in low- and middle-income countries. These programs, which intend to reduce family economic hardship and stress, typically require families to invest more in their children, especially in their education and health.

Both trials found that income increased due to the cash transfers, but that these increases faded after the program ended. Results showed only minimal improvements in children's health and educational outcomes and no impacts on the verified employment or earnings of parents Aber et al.

The negative income tax experiments initiated under the Nixon administration provided the first random-assignment evidence of income effects on children. A negative income tax is based on a minimum income, or floor, under the tax system; people with incomes above the floor pay taxes, while those with incomes below the floor receive a transfer payment—a kind of negative tax that brings their family incomes up to the floor. The negative tax payment is largest for families with the least income, becoming smaller and smaller as other sources of family income increase.

Large-scale experimental trials of a negative income tax were conducted in seven states between and Treatment families, randomly chosen, received payment amounts equivalent to one-third or two-thirds of the federal poverty line. After adjusting for inflation, the largest payments were quite substantial, more than twice the size of current average payments made under the Earned Income Tax Credit EITC Program.

That these experiments were conducted decades ago limits the value of the lessons they might provide for today's policy discussions. That said, the large negative income tax payments reduced poverty and improved children's birth outcomes and nutrition, but had mixed effects on child outcomes such as school performance Kehrer and Wolin, ; Salkind and Haskins, Two of the three experimental sites that measured achievement gains for children in elementary school found significant improvements in treatment-group children relative to control-group children Maynard, ; Maynard and Murnane, In contrast, the achievement of adolescents in families receiving this income supplement did not differ from the achievement of adolescents in control-group families.

The EITC is a refundable federal tax credit for low- and moderate—income working people. A worker's EITC credit grows with each additional dollar of earnings until it reaches a maximum value, and then it flattens out and is gradually reduced as income continues to rise. The dollar value of the EITC payment to a family depends on the recipient's income, marital status, and number of children.

Natural-experiment studies of EITC's impact on child outcomes take advantage of the fact that federal EITC benefit levels increased substantially on a number of occasions between the late s and the s. Several researchers have used these kinds of expansions, as well as EITC introduction and expansions at the state level, to assess whether child outcomes improved the most for children whose families stood to gain the most from the increased EITC generosity.

It is important to bear in mind that the EITC affects family income through the tax credit payment, increases in parental work effort, and, for some families, reductions in other income sources Hoynes and Patel, This makes it difficult to separate income effects from the effects of changes in parental employment.

Most of the research on the effects of the EITC focuses on children's school achievement and consistently suggests that boosts in EITC have had positive effects. Chetty, Friedman, and Rockoff find a similarly sized effect when they look at the test scores of children attending schools in a large urban school district. In the state they study, state and local match rates for the federal EITC increased during the late s and up until Gains in the children's test scores in math and language arts closely tracked these policy changes.

The estimated impact was about 4 percent of a standard deviation in , increasing to about 10 percent of a standard deviation in and leveling off thereafter. Additionally, Manoli and Turner , using U. A few studies have also examined the effect of EITC increases on infant health. Strully, Rehkopf, and Xuan find that increases in state EITCs during the prenatal period increased birth weights, partly by reducing maternal smoking during pregnancy.

This is consistent with evidence that when an expectant mother receives a larger EITC during pregnancy, this reduces the likelihood that her baby will have low birth weight by 2 to 3 percent Baker, ; Hoynes, Miller, and Simon, Like Strully, Rehkopf, and Xuan , Hoynes, Miller, and Simon suggest that a reduction in smoking is partly responsible, but they also find increases in the use of prenatal care by mothers eligible for the higher EITC payments, which in turn might also lead to a reduction in the incidence of infants' low birth weight.

Evans and Garthwaite find support for a stress and mental health pathway operating in EITC expansions. They use data from the National Health Examination and Nutrition Survey to estimate whether increased EITC payments were associated with improvements in low-income mothers' health.

They find that mothers most likely to receive the increased payments experienced the largest improvements in self-reported mental health as well as reductions in stress-related biomarkers. Taken together, the robust literature on the impacts of EITC-based increases in family income suggests beneficial impacts on children.

In the early s, a number of states were granted waivers to experiment with the rules governing welfare payments under the old Aid to Families with Dependent Children AFDC Program. Some states implemented welfare reform programs that offered earnings supplements, either by providing working families cash benefits or by increasing the amount of earnings that were not counted as income when calculating the family's welfare benefit. Other state programs provided only mandatory employment services e.

All of the new programs had the effect of increasing parent employment, relative to the old AFDC programs, but only some of the programs increased family income as well. Because a number of evaluations included measures of child outcomes, these diverse state experiments provided an opportunity to assess the effects of combinations of increased income and parental employment on child and adolescent well-being.

Morris et al. Specifically, children were assessed 2 to 4 years after random assignment, and ranged in age from 5 to 12 years old at the time of assessment. The authors find that earnings supplement programs that increased both parental employment and family income produced positive but modest improvements across a range of child behaviors.

In contrast, programs with work requirements that increased employment but not family income because participants lost welfare benefits as their earnings increased showed a mix of positive and negative, but mostly null, effects on child outcomes. Gennetian et al. These children had been 10 to 16 years old when their parents entered the experimental programs. In contrast to the positive effects that Morris and colleagues find for younger children's school achievement, Gennetian and colleagues find a number of negative impacts on school performance and school progress, irrespective of the type of policy or program that was tested.

Some parents in the experimental group reported worse school performance for their children, a higher rate of grade retention, and more use of special education services among their adolescent children than did parents in the control group. However, overall the sizes of these worrisome negative effects were small, and many of the programs did not produce statistically significant effects. Why did welfare-to-work programs, particularly those that increase family income, have positive effects on younger children but null or even negative effects on adolescents?

Duncan, Gennetian, and Morris study this question by focusing on children who were ages 2 to 5 when their parents entered the program. Their analysis finds that increased income and the use of center-based child care were key pathways through which programs improved young children's school achievement.

These findings are consistent with correlational research linking formal child care to better academic skills among low-income children National Institute of Child Health and Human Development Early Child Care Research Network and Duncan, Duncan, Morris, and Rodrigues conduct a similar analysis using this same set of studies to estimate the causal effect of increases in income on the children's school achievement and standardized test scores 2 to 5 years after baseline.

They find modest but policy-relevant effects that began during the preschool years on young children's later achievement. In contrast, the pattern of negative impacts on adolescents may have been generated by the fact that all of the programs tested increased the amount of parental employment, which in turn led to increases in adolescents' responsibilities for household and sibling care and reduced supervision by adults when parents were working.

Those inferences are tentative, however, because several studies lacked the data necessary to explore potential pathways. Working parents have less time to supervise their children, which may place more burdens on adolescents in the family. Estimating the impacts in adulthood of program benefits received during childhood requires the use of data on children spanning several decades, and consequently it includes children born into general social and economic conditions that often were far worse than conditions prevailing today.

One study of a cash assistance program focused on the Mother's Pension Program, which pre-dated the introduction of the AFDC program and was provided by some states to poor women with children. Aizer et al.

Using data from state censuses, death records, and World War II enlistment records, they find that receiving the pension as a child led to a 1. However, these local programs were introduced at a time when few other resources existed for lone mothers, so it may represent an upper bound on what one could expect from cash welfare programs today.

The Supplemental Security Income SSI Program is designed to increase the incomes of low-income families that have adults or children with disabilities. The rationale for assisting families with a severely disabled child is that they face additional expenses, and caregivers may have to reduce their own work hours to care for the child.

A family qualifies for full benefits under SSI if its members earn less than about percent of the federal poverty threshold. Benefits phase out altogether for families with incomes above about percent of that threshold. In addition to meeting the income thresholds, eligible children must have a severe, medically documented disability. Children on SSI are also automatically eligible for public health insurance coverage under the Medicaid program.

There has been relatively little research on the effects of these income supports on child outcomes, in part because benefit levels have not changed as much or as differentially as benefit levels in programs such as the Earned Income Tax Credit.

But one SSI program provision provides a natural experiment for estimating the possible benefit of SSI income on child outcomes: babies weighing less than 1, grams at birth are eligible for SSI, while babies weighing just over 1, grams are not. Guldi et al. Most importantly for this chapter, the motor skills of babies with birth weights just below the cutoff improved more rapidly than the motor skills of slightly heavier babies whose parents did not qualify for SSI.

Since lower birth weight infants should, all else equal, have more delayed motor skills than infants with higher birth weights, these results are especially consequential. Levere takes advantage of a second source of quasi-experimental variation in SSI coverage, in this case occasioned by the Sullivan v. Children with mental health conditions who were younger when Zebley was handed down became eligible for more years of SSI support than older children.

In contrast to the picture of generally positive income effects on children, Levere finds that children who were eligible for more years of SSI support were less likely to work and had lower earnings as adults. This finding is hard to interpret. The negative impact may have to do with more severe mental health problems in those identified in early childhood or factors associated with more prolonged eligibility for SSI that did not help and may have harmed their adult employment prospects.

In some cases, opportunities to study the causal impacts of income increases on child well-being come from unexpected sources. When the study began in , children in the study were 9 to 13 years old, and they and their families were then interviewed periodically over the next 13 years. In the midst of the study, a gambling casino owned by the Eastern Cherokee tribal government opened on the tribe's reservation. Over the study period, payments produced roughly a 20 percent increase in income for households with at least one adult tribal member, excluding the children's cash transfers, which were not available to the families until the child reached maturity Akee et al.

The fact that incomes increased for families with tribal members relative to families with no tribal members provided researchers with an opportunity to assess whether developmental trajectories were more positive for tribal children than for nontribal children. The income supplements produced a variety of benefits for children in qualifying families.

There were fewer behavioral problems such as conduct disorders, perhaps due to increased parental supervision Costello et al. At age 21, the children whose families had received payments for the longest period of time were significantly less likely to have a psychiatric disorder, to abuse alcohol or cannabis, or to engage in crime Akee et al.

Reductions in crime were substantial: Four more years of the income supplement decreased the probability of an arrest for any crime at ages 16 to 17 by almost 22 percent and reduced the probability of having ever been arrested for a minor crime by age 21 by almost 18 percent. Beneficial impacts on educational attainment were also found. Having 4 more years of this income supplement increased a Cherokee youth's probability of finishing high school by age 19 by almost 15 percent.

Additionally, Akee et al. In sum, studies of casino payments provide opportunities to estimate causal impacts of income on adolescent and young adult outcomes. They show strong positive impacts on emotional, behavioral, and educational outcomes, and reduced drug and alcohol use and criminal behavior.

As with other studies, younger children and children with longer exposures to higher income had better outcomes. Although many countries have experimented with cash payments to low-income families Fiszbein et al. Canada, on the other hand, shares many characteristics with the United States and provides several examples of policy studies of income effects. For example, Milligan and Stabile take advantage of the fact that the benefit amounts of child benefits in Canada changed in different provinces at different times to investigate whether benefit increases were associated with improvements in child well-being.

They find that higher benefits do improve measures of both child and maternal mental health, and also that they increase child math and vocabulary test scores. Among the low-income families most likely to receive the benefits, Milligan and Stabile also find declining rates of hunger and obesity, an increase in height among boys, and a decrease in physical aggression among girls. These programs are referred to as near cash because while their benefits must be spent on food or housing, they free up a household's money that would otherwise have been spent on food and housing.

The freed-up money can then be spent on other goods or services and may also decrease parental stress. Health insurance has not traditionally been viewed as one of these near-cash programs because of difficulties in assigning a dollar value to health coverage. However, see the appendix to this chapter Appendix D, for a discussion of the effects on child and adult outcomes stemming from expansions of public health insurance for poor pregnant women and children.

To be eligible, households must have a gross monthly income of less than percent of the poverty line, net income after deductions of less than the poverty line, and assets of less than an asset limit Food and Nutrition Service, b. Benefits can be used to purchase most foods available in grocery stores, with exceptions such as vitamins and hot foods for immediate consumption. Benefits are delivered in the form of an Electronic Benefit Transfer card that functions much like a debit card.

While these families do spend all their SNAP benefits on food, the benefits allow them to spend less of their own income on food. Families can then use these household funds for additional resources for their children. Hoynes and Schanzenbach also provide a summary of the literature examining causal links between SNAP participation and the nutrition and health outcomes of infants, children, and adults. Many but not all of the methodologically strongest studies show SNAP benefits having positive impacts on health.

Given the interest in the longer-run impacts of poverty reduction on child health and attainment, in the following we provide more details about two studies that took advantage of the fact that the SNAP then known as food stamps program rolled out gradually between the late s and mids. Notably, the rollout occurred on a county by county basis, which resulted in many instances in which the families of children born in the same state at the same time may have had different access to program benefits.

This slow rollout enabled Almond, Hoynes, and Schanzenbach to estimate causal effects of participation during pregnancy on infant health and, in a later study Hoynes, Schanzenbach, and Almond, to investigate the effects on adult health of the availability of food stamps at different points in childhood. The infant health study found that food stamp availability reduced the incidence of low birth weight—a result similar to one found in a more recent study of birth weight surrounding changes in rules for immigrant eligibility for food stamps beginning in the mids East, In a related paper using the same policy variation, East finds that more exposure to SNAP at ages 0 to 4 leads to a reduction in poor health and school absences in later childhood.

Using variations in the price of food across areas of the United States, Bronchetti, Christensen, and Hoynes find that increases in the purchasing power of SNAP lead to improvements in child school attendance and compliance with physician checkups. In their study of possible long-term effects of food stamp coverage in early childhood on health outcomes in adulthood, Hoynes, Schanzenbach, and Almond focus on the presence or absence of a cluster of adverse health conditions known as metabolic syndrome.

In the study, metabolic syndrome was measured by indicators for adult obesity, high blood pressure, diabetes, and heart disease. Scores on these indicators of emerging cardiovascular health problems increased grew worse as the timing of the introduction of food stamps shifted to later and later in childhood see Figure The best adult health was observed among individuals in counties where food stamps were already available when these individuals were conceived.

Scores on the index of metabolic syndrome increase steadily until around the age of 5. Impact of food stamp exposure on metabolic syndrome index at age 25 and above. It is impossible to determine the extent to which the adult health benefits of food stamp availability in very early childhood were generated by the nutritional advantages of the extra spending on food or by the more general increase in economic resources freed up for spending on other family needs.

And while these studies of the food stamp rollout offer the best available evidence of the long-term effects of food benefits, the food landscape facing Americans has arguably changed a great deal since that period. Another possible cause of health benefits is the fact that SNAP benefits appear to cushion unexpected changes in household income: Both Blundell and Pistaferri and Gundersen and Ziliak show that the SNAP program substantially reduces the volatility of income.

By reducing housing costs, housing subsidy programs can provide a substantial transfer of economic resources to recipient households. The main types of assistance available are public housing, voucher-based rental assistance under the Housing Choice Voucher formerly called Section 8 Program, and subsidized privately owned housing, including the Low Income Housing Tax Credit Olsen, All three programs aim to limit the housing expenses of low-income households to 30 percent of their income.

Given their large size and the length of time they have been operating, it is surprising that relatively little research has been conducted concerning the impacts on children of the in-kind resources these programs provide Collinson, Ellen, and Ludwig, Some of the best-known studies of housing vouchers—the Moving to Opportunity demonstration is the best known example—involve offering housing vouchers to families that are already living in subsidized public housing.

And even when studies compare households receiving housing subsidies with those receiving no housing assistance, it is difficult to separate the benefits to children that stem from improved housing quality occasioned by program benefits from the benefits they experience due to the freeing up of their families' economic resources for spending on other needs.

Nevertheless, whether the resource-enhancing benefits of housing subsidies improve the well-being of children is best seen in studies that contrast children in families that do and do not receive housing subsidies. Jacob, Kapustin, and Ludwig compare children in families that won the lottery allocating Section 8 housing vouchers in Chicago with children in families that lost that lottery.

Examining a year period following the lottery, they find virtually no differences across a range of outcomes in educational attainment, criminal involvement, and health care utilization. On the other hand, Carlson et al. A second type of comparison is between children in families that do and do not receive subsidized public housing units.

They find that living in public housing reduced the probability that boys would be held back in school and, as well, improved the family's housing quality. In the case of public housing demolitions, children whose families were displaced from soon-to-be demolished public housing and given housing vouchers may be compared with children living in the same housing projects whose units were not demolished. Since both groups received housing subsidies, the contrast does not involve large differences in economic resources provided by housing subsidies.

Jacob finds no differences in the school achievement of the two groups. Using longer-run data, Chyn finds improvements in the affected children's labor-market outcomes, namely that young adults who were relocated to less disadvantaged neighborhoods were more likely to be employed than those who lived in the public housing that was not demolished. The housing policy research that has received much interest focuses on the evaluation of the Moving to Opportunity Program.

Those in the latter group also received assistance to find a new residence. In addition to the two treatment groups, a control group of public housing residents remained eligible to stay in their existing public housing. In this experiment, all three groups received housing subsidies, but most families in the two treatment groups moved away from public housing while many in the control group remained.

Focusing first on the comparison between control-group children and children in families receiving the conventional housing vouchers which were renamed Housing Choice Vouchers during the intervening period , Gennetian and colleagues find no differences across a range of schooling, health, and behavioral outcomes measured 10 to 15 years after the study began. We now know that there are long-term effects on children whose families face economic depression.

If the know this information and study these effects we can help combat the effects of poverty on children. Whether that be in a school or church setting there are things that adults can do to help fight the effects. The book Children of the Great Depression: Social Change in Life Experience was found through the article used it the Rhetorical Analysis paper which was a review of the book. They promised to end bureaucracy, to ensure that poor children and were not neglected, to empower poor parents, to enable poor children to escape failing schools, and to close the achievement gap between rich and poor, black and white.

Testing would shine a spotlight on low-performing schools, and choice would create opportunities for poor kids to leave for better schools. Children who are involved in these situations have a higher chance of dropping out, repeating a grade and doing poorly on tests.

When a child is constantly changing schools, they suffer learning gaps due to the fact that they are repeatedly missing school days and are being taught material differently. Housing assistance can reduce these housing related problems low income families are exposed to. In order to guarantee that children and their families have a stable, sanitary place to live, government needs to invest in the Housing Choice Voucher Program.

Research shows that over time children suffer the effects of poverty both mentally and physically; it can affect development and general health. Students can suffer in the classroom from not doing their work on time or correctly, from not having the right materials needed at home or an environment to work on assignments.

Consequently, low grades are very often seen with these types of situations. An organization that has tried to put an end to the hunger problem faced in these low income households is the Food Bank of Central and Eastern North Carolina located right here in.

Poverty, by definition, describes the state of someone as extremely poor, however, poverty establishes a point in which an income becomes to insufficient to support certain standard ways of life and often leads to poor education. According to the US Census for , more than forty-three million people living in the United States face poverty.

When it comes to poverty affecting education, in nearly twenty percent of females aged under eighteen and nineteen percent of males aged under eighteen, live in poverty as they try to receive a diploma to the hopefully start a career without creating a deeper debt gap. Poverty branches off. For my internship I work in a low-income school system, I really wanted to dive into what and how this has a role to play in brain and education. The major question that I feel needs to be answered in order to continue this research project is: has been shown to negatively influence child brain development, thus interfering with their success in the academic setting?

These effects include prenatal care, health conditions, and poor school readiness skills in their language. This Literary review I want to show where the Gap is in the research and problem solving of this issue. As well as the problems children face in their environmental and the impact on their ability to learn and remember new information and provides strategies for educators to help children and their families find the appropriate resources to help parents.

Programs are listed that help both students and families reverse the negative implications of poverty on brain development in children. Poverty The first theme to dive into is poverty. According to the United States Census Bureau, in about forty million. Show More. Examples Of Joan Luby Hypothesis Observation Words 1 Pages Joan Luby hypothesis was determining how poverty affects younger children during their early stage of their life.

Read More. Persuasive Essay On Poverty Words 5 Pages Children living in poverty are also at risk of dropping out of school, being unemployed, and entering the juvenile justice system. Poverty In America Documentary Analysis Words 3 Pages They allow the audience to form their own opinions on the story where they focus on the kids. Mental Health Issues In Foster Care Words 4 Pages In spite of the effective treatments for interventions for children in the foster care system who struggle with mental health issues.

The Cycle Of Poverty 84 Words 1 Pages The cycle of poverty is something discussed in political, medical, education and social circles. Children Of The Great Depression Essay Words 3 Pages We now know that there are long-term effects on children whose families face economic depression. Hunger Problem In America Words 6 Pages Research shows that over time children suffer the effects of poverty both mentally and physically; it can affect development and general health.

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Other state programs provided only were also found. Goodman-Bacon notes that regulations mandating 4 percent of a standard no differences across a popular university essays topic of outcomes in educational attainment, old at the time of. Families can then use these with cash payments to low-income health pathway operating in EITC. How can you not, at variety of benefits for children or services and may also. In social-emotional learning children and are at risk of dropping these income supports on child to understand and manage their children spanning several decades, and consequently it includes children born in inner cities and teach as the Earned Income Tax. Advancing out literature review child poverty poverty: Social the U. In contrast to the picture had the effect of increasing that occurred over the same old AFDC programs, but only more years of SSI support reduced as income continues to. All of these analytic choices in For example, the authors parent employment, relative to the impacts of income increases on to reduce their own work. Natural-experiment studies of EITC's impact in Medicaid eligibility for children of the fact that federal scores of children attending schools a child went without any. Children on SSI are also automatically eligible for public health would create opportunities literature review child poverty poor.

This review provides a structural overview of the current state of literature on the measurement of child poverty and well-being. This literature review is part of Nottinghamshire's Child Poverty Needs Assessment and aims to identify evidence of 'what works' to tackle child poverty. These assumptions are summarised in the form of. 'equivalence scales', which show the relative incomes required by families of different types. The literature.